Nowadays, the resurgence of a global wave of conservatism, coupled with the fact that global allies are seemingly pulling back support for queer individuals, raises a new problem: it pushes researchers to question what the future of already-vulnerable individuals might look like in the MENA region. The following analysis will explore patterns of repression and violence targeting queer people in the MENA region, with direct focus on Tunisia, Lebanon, and Egypt.
Local Repression (Laws and Religion-Based Governance)
Laws criminalizing same-sex relationships have perpetually been rampant in Middle Eastern and North African countries, where governments often resort to conservative interpretations of religious beliefs or traditionalist state ideologies to justify their implementation. In Tunisia, for instance, Article 230 of the Penal Code, which was set during the 1913 French colonial era, criminalizes acts of ‘sodomy’, with sentences including a maximum penalty of three years’ imprisonment. In a past series of unanticipated developments, however, the Tunisian people, who took to the streets to protest a government they deemed oppressive back in 2011, widely succeeded in toppling the ruling regime presided by Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Once regarded and hailed as a revolutionary breakthrough in Tunisia’s governance, the uprisings, which consequently led to the adoption of a new constitution in 2014, promised laws safeguarding women’s rights and promoting gender equality. Global human rights’ organizations like UN Women welcomed the step, considering the transition to a more democratic, semi-presidential system a ‘progressive’ move, particularly due to the fact that the presence of a gender equality clause in Article 46 was missing from the constitutions of the majority of western countries. While the new constitution was making strides and headlines in terms of promoting inclusivity and pushing the boundaries of equality, it failed to address Penal Code provision of Article 230, which criminalized same-sex relations. Paradoxically, the 2014 constitution also included protective provisions that could be interpreted as applicable to same-sex relationships. Highlighting the right to nondiscrimination, Article 21 reads that “all citizens, male and female, have equal rights and duties, and are equal before the law without any discrimination.” As for Article 24, it emphasized the right to privacy, stating that “the state is obligated to protect the right to privacy and the inviolability of the home.”
Human rights activists tried to leverage such provisions to defend the existence of queer individuals and protect same-sex relationships. Despite consistent calls by such activists, the Tunisian government maintained a harsh stance towards LGBTQIA+ individuals and consensual same-sex relationships. In 2015, six students were sentenced to three years in prison on homosexuality charges, and they were consequently banned from entering their town for three years after their release. At Tunisia’s 2017 Universal Periodic Review (UPR) hearing at the UN Human Rights Council, the country formally accepted several countries’ recommendation to end forced anal exams as a method of “proving” homosexuality. Nevertheless, Tunisia’s delegation maintained that medical examinations will be conducted based on the consent of the person and in the presence of a medical expert, failing to address the intrusive nature of such examinations.
It is important to note that in Tunisia, as is the case in other countries in the MENA region, much of the laws dictating the existence of queer relationships rely on conservative interpretations of Islamic (Sharia) law or traditionalist state ideologies. In Tunisia specifically, the mere presence of pro-LGBTQIA+ activism can wreak havoc. One of the most prominent advocacy groups defending the rights of queer individuals in Tunisia and in the entire Arab World, Shams, faced serious legal threats for its scope of work. Accused of promoting homosexuality, which contradicts Islamic Sharia law teachings, Shams dealt with lawsuits issued by the country’s government. The association’s president, Mounir Baatour, recounted the abuse he faced for his work, noting that such harassment “creates a climate of tension and fear among the team working for our association.”
Other MENA countries face similar challenges regarding LGBTQIA+ rights. In Lebanon, although the Constitution does not explicitly mention homosexuality, Articles 521 and 534 have often been weaponized against the LGBTQIA+ community. Despite earning the reputation of being a relatively ‘safe haven’ for queer individuals in comparison to other countries in the MENA region, Lebanon recently found itself at the center of systemic attacks rooted in homophobia and transphobia. For a number of activists, such attacks were largely surprising, particularly since Lebanon previously stood out in terms of progressive actions. In 2017, Lebanon organized its very own “Beirut Pride” event, the first week-long pride campaign of its kind in the Arab World. Not long after, however, the country witnessed a series of human rights violations targeting the LGBTQIA+ community. Although Lebanon does not have an official state religion, boasting a religiously diverse climate that welcomes more than 18 different sects, many of those attacks have been fueled by prominent religious beliefs and conservatively rooted bigotry. On August 23, 2023, Christian extremist group ‘Jnoud Al-Rab,’ whose name roughly translates to ‘Soldiers of God,’ raided one of Beirut’s most notable gay-friendly bars, violently disrupting a drag performance and engaging in acts of violence and assault.
On July 22, 2023, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah explicitly called for the killing of LGBTQIA+ individuals “by all means,” using derogatory and offensive terms and likening same-sex relationships to a threat to society. Nasrallah’s remarks led to a surge in cases of online harassment and death threats, with companies like Grindr putting new security measures in place.
Another notable example is Egyptian queer activist Sarah Hegazi. In September 2017, Hegazi attended a concert in Cairo by Mashrou’ Leila, a musical band originating from Beirut. The band, fronted by an openly gay man, faced numerous setbacks related to its LGBTQIA+ advocacy in a largely conservative region. In solidarity, Hegazi raised a rainbow flag during the concert, resulting in her arrest and detainment for three months. Hegazi recounted her time in prison, detailing the extreme torture and humiliation exercised by her inmates and authorities. Even after her release and escape to Canada, Hegazi felt the effects of the violence intensely. She died by suicide in 2020, sparking outrage and grief. In her last words, she criticized the Egyptian government, highlighting its use of religious legitimacy to silence dissent.
The Myth (and Reality) of Western Pressure Amid a Rise in Political Conservatism
International advocacy has played a complicated role in shaping queer lives in the MENA region. Global organizations led visibility campaigns, exercised diplomatic pressure, and provided financial support to local activists. In 2022, Beirut-based Helem, the first LGBTQIA+ rights organization in the Arab world, helped end a previous anti-LGBTQIA+ ban issued by Lebanon’s Ministry of Interior and Municipalities, which restricted gatherings promoting “the phenomenon of sexual deviance.” Helem filed a lawsuit alongside The Legal Agenda and succeeded in pressuring Lebanon’s high court to suspend the decision in November 2022. A similar achievement was noted in 2018, when a district court of appeal in Mount Lebanon ruled that same-sex relations are not “unnatural,” after efforts by Helem, The Legal Agenda, Human Rights Watch, and the Arab Foundation for Freedoms and Equality.
Western intervention has not always been met with cheer. In 2023, MTV Lebanon received backlash for airing an ad calling for the decriminalization of homosexuality and the repeal of Article 534. Lebanese authorities and lawmakers condemned the ad, with Culture Minister Mohammad Mouratda calling it comparable to a criminal act. During the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar, Western acts of solidarity, including gay rights activist Peter Tatchell’s protest, backfired, placing local LGBTQIA+ communities under harsher scrutiny. As Todman puts it in a well-constructed analysis of Western activism’s impact in the MENA region, “Western displays of solidarity with LGBTQ+ communities in the Middle East may be well-intentioned, but they are making the very people they claim to be helping feel more vulnerable.”
In a majority of cases, Western intervention was also labeled as a form of “cultural colonialism”. In Egypt, for example, homosexuality is, more often than not, portrayed as a “Western import”. Following Cairo’s infamous 2017 concert incident, Egyptian authorities launched a crackdown that resulted in over 75 arrests, justifying the repression in part as a defense against “foreign-inspired immorality”. Similarly, in Lebanon, conservative politicians have accused queer NGOs of being “Western-funded infiltrators” seeking to corrupt the youth.
The future continues to look even more concerning for MENA’s LGBTQIA+ communities, who are now facing mounting pressures exacerbated by the recent and ongoing pullback of international support. The validity of queer individuals’ and activists’ concerns has recently been put to the test, especially as the current Trump Administration proceeds to roll back on previous queer representation and rights. In June, the federal Administration for Children and Families requested that the state of California remove references to gender identity, as well as transgender and nonbinary people, from its sex-ed curriculum, referring to such references as “egregious and delusional gender ideology.” Perhaps the most noteworthy infringement of the LGBTQIA+ community’s civil rights would be the reversal of the landmark Obergefell v. Hodges ruling, which legalized same-sex marriage across the country in 2015. As attempts of queer erasure persist, activists dread what might come next, considering that the U.S. Supreme Court has recently agreed to hear a challenge aiming to overturn the ruling.
The implementation of such measures could greatly affect LGBTQIA+ individuals residing in the Arab world. A report published by The Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law highlighted the global impact of U.S. President Trump’s signing of an executive order that placed a 90-day pause on U.S. foreign assistance to all developing countries. Even though the executive order is ambiguous in scope and intention, it is already affecting critical global health programs that serve LGBTQIA+ individuals. The President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), which allocates $7.5 billion to support HIV/AIDS treatment and prevention programs, initially halted the provision of aid, and countries were forced to stop distribution of all HIV medications already procured under PEPFAR contracts. In other sectors, aid organizations that rely on U.S. funding voiced concerns that they, too, will have to shut down without such resources, further putting at risk the lives of LGBTQIA+ participants in these programs, including refugees and youth.
Although it could be argued that Trump’s policies concern the U.S. much more than the MENA region, it is essential to point out that their effects will likely be felt on a global scale, particularly by minority groups who already reside in hostile environments. Given that the U.S. has consistently ranked as the world’s top provider of humanitarian aid, the recent reduction in funding raises significant concerns, particularly regarding the potential ‘ripple effect’ it could have on vulnerable communities. It also signals the uncertain future of a nation known for its commitment to human rights. According to a Global Resources Report on recent LGBTQIA+ funding in the MENA region, an estimated 10.3 million dollars were allocated to the region in 2022, about double the amount in the previous year (5 million dollars). Although the funding mainly originated from human rights organizations and not country governments, those numbers reveal how crucial foreign aid is for countries in the MENA region. Without adequate aid and even symbolic support, local pro-LGBTQIA+ entities might be unable to operate, adding an additional strain on queer people’s lives.
What Does the Future Hold For LGBTQIA+ Individuals in the MENA Region?
The future for queer communities seems poised between declining international solidarity and increased repression. Governments are tightening restrictions: crackdowns in Tunisia have revived Article 230 convictions, while in Egypt, LGBTQIA+ people are increasingly targeted online. Morality laws reinforce conservative ideologies and religiously driven hate crimes. Human Rights Watch reported systematic “digital targeting,” using social media and dating apps to ensnare, doxx, and prosecute individuals, followed by offline beatings and blackmail. Global advocacy is waning; local organizations have less funding and exposure to provide safe spaces, legal defense, or refuge, and HIV treatment networks are interrupted.
Despite the increasing repression, LGBTQIA+ populations in the MENA region remain optimistic. Whether serious support backs up local resilience or loud, symbolic gestures overpower it determines what follows. Western protests, such as Peter Tatchell’s solo demonstration in Doha prior to the World Cup, frequently make things worse, as Will Todman noted. Governments often use them to reinforce the narrative that queerness is a “foreign import,” which potentially heightens the risks for local activists and queer individuals.
The takeaway is clear: improving queer lives in the MENA region relies on local leadership backed by discreet, intelligent foreign assistance. When that balance is achieved, communities can live freely and securely. Ultimately, the true issue is not whether queer communities in the MENA region will survive; they have consistently demonstrated their resilience in the face of significant challenges and risks.
The real question is whether international communities will eventually strike the right balance between discreet and effective support at a time when even symbolic support seems to be fizzling out.
Suggested Readings:
MENA’S tech-enabled targeting of queer communities: An investigation – Article 19
The EU and LGBTI activism in the MENA – The case of Lebanon (Taylor & Francis Online)
